ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, Part 3 of 4, Partition 2. A Puke (TM) Audiobook

Part 1 of 4:
https://rumble.com/v4d2ddr-anatomy-of-melancholy-part-1-of-4-introduction.-a-puke-tm-audiobook.html

Part 2 of 4:
https://rumble.com/v4dgu6o-the-anatomy-of-melancholy-2-of-4-the-first-partition-by-robert-burton-1621..html

THE SECOND PARTITION.
THE CURE OF MELANCHOLY.
THE FIRST SECTION, MEMBER, SUBSECTION.
Unlawful Cures rejected.

Inveterate Melancholy, however it may seem to be a continuous, inexorable disease, hard to be cured, accompanying them to their graves, most part, as Montanus observes, yet many times it may be helped, even that which is most violent, or at least, according to the same author, "it may be mitigated and much eased." Do not despair. It may be hard to cure, but not impossible for him that is most grievously affected, if he is willing to be helped.

Upon this good hope I will proceed, using the same method in the cure, which I have formerly used in the rehearsing of the causes; first general, then particular; and those according to their several species. Of these cares some be lawful, some again unlawful, which though frequent, familiar, and often used, yet justly censured, and to be controversial. As first, whether by these diabolical means, which are commonly practiced by the devil and his ministers, sorcerers, witches, magicians, and more, by spells, cabilistical words, charms, characters, images, amulets, ligatures, philters, incantations, and else, this disease and the like may be cured? And if they may, whether it be lawful to make use of them, those magnetical cures, or for our good to seek after such means in any case? The first, whether they can do any such cares, is questioned among many writers, some affirming, some denying. Valesius, Malleus Maleficar, Heurnius, Caelius, Delrio, Wierus, Ludwig Lavater De spectris, part two, chapter 7. Holbrenner the Lutheran in Pistorium, Polydore Virgil, Tandlerus, Lemnius, Hippocrates and Avicenna amongst the rest, deny that spirits or devils have any power over us, and refer all with Pomponatius of Padua to natural causes and humours. Of the other opinion are Bodinus, Arnoldus, Marcellus Empyricus, I Pistorius, Paracelsus, Agrippa, Marcilius Ficinus and more. Galeottus, Jovianus Pontanus, Strabo, Geog Leo Suavius: Goclenius, Oswoldus Crollius, Ernestus Burgravius, Doctor Flood, and more. Cardan from subt. brings many proofs out of Ars Notoria, and Solomon's decayed works, old Hermes, Artefius, Costaben Luca, Picatrix, and more, that such cares may be done.

They can make fire it shall not burn, fetch back thieves or stolen goods, show their absent faces in a glass, make serpents lie still, stanch blood, salute gouts, epilepsies, biting of mad dogs, toothache, melancholy, and all the evils of the world, make men immortal, young again as the Spanish marquis is said to have done by one of his slaves, and some, which jugglers in China maintain still (as Tragaltius writes) that they can do by their extraordinary skill in physic, and some of our modern chemists by their strange limbs, by their spells, philosopher's stones and charms. "Many doubt," says Nicholas Taurellus, "whether the devil can cure such diseases he hath not made, and some flatly deny it, however common experience confirms to our astonishment, that magicians can work such feats, and that the devil without hindrance can penetrate through all the parts of our bodies, and cure such maladies by means unknown to us." Daneus subscribes to this of Taurellus in his tract on the Sortiarii; Erastus de lamiai, maintains as much, and so do most divines, out of their excellent knowledge and long experience they can commit agents with patients, to gather the seeds of things, and to apply those materials, as Austin infers in the City of God and of the Trinity, book three Chapter 7 and 8, they can work stupendous and admirable conclusions; we see the effects only, but not the causes of them. Nothing so familiar as to hear of such concerns. Sorcerers are too common; cunning men, wizards, and white-witches, as they call them, in every village, which if they be sought unto, will help almost all infirmities of body and mind, Servators in Latin, and they have commonly Saint Catherine's wheel printed in the roof of their mouth, or in some other part about them, resist the charms of charms, Boissardus writes, repel diseases from arrows, motions, and others, that to doubt of it any longer, "or not to believe, were to run into that other skeptical extreme of incredulity," says Taurellus. Leo Suavius in his commentary upon Paracelsus seems to make it an art, which ought to be approved; Pistorius and others stiffly maintain the use of charms, words, characters, and more. Art is true, but few artists are found; the art is true, but there be but a few that have skill in it. Marcellus Donatus book two of De Medica Historia Mirabili, proves out of Josephus' eight books of antiquities, that, "Solomon so cured all the diseases of the mind by spells, charms, and drove away devils, and that Eleazer did as much before Vespasian." Langius in his Medical Epistisles holds Jupiter Menecrates, that did so many stupendous cures in his time, to have used this art, and that he was no other than a magician. Many famous cures are daily done in this kind, the devil is an expert physician, as Godelman calls him, and God permits oftentimes these witches and magicians to produce such effects, as Lavater, Polidore Virgil, admit Delrio and others. Such cares may be done, and as Paracelsius, Tome four of the disease they are mad stiffly maintains, "they cannot otherwise be cured but by spells, seals, and spiritual physic." Arnoldus, sets down the making of them, so doth Rolandus and many others.
Assuming this, they can effect such cures, the main question is, whether it be lawful in a desperate case to crave their help, or ask a wizard's advice. Tis a common practice of some men to go first to a witch, and then to a physician, if one cannot the other shall. "It matters not," says Paracelsus, "whether it be God or the devil, angels, or unclean spirits care for him, so that he be eased." If a man falls into a ditch, as he pursues it, what matter is it whether a friend or an enemy helps him out? And if I be troubled with such a malady, what care I whether the devil himself, or any of his ministers by God's permission, redeem me? He calls a magician, God's minister and his vicar, applying that of you are gods profanely to them, for which he is lashed by Thomas Erastus. And elsewhere he encourages his patients to have a good faith, "a strong imagination, and they shall find the effects: let divines say to the contrary what they will." He proves and contends that many diseases cannot otherwise be cured. They must be taken care of by the rising spell; if they be caused by incantation, they must be cured by incantation. Constantinus approves of such remedies: Bartolus the lawyer, Peter Aerodius, Godefridus Salicetus, with others of that sect, allowed of them; so they be for the parties good, or not at all. But these men are refuted by Remigius, Bodinus, Godelmanus, Wierus, Delrio, Erastus de Lamiis; all our divines, schoolmen, and such as write cases of conscience are against it, the scripture itself absolutely forbids it as a mortal sin, Leviticus chapter eighteen, nineteen, twenty, Deuteronomy eighteen and others. Romans Eight, 19. "Evil is not to be done, that good may come of it." Much better it were for such patients that are so troubled, to endure a little misery in this life, than to hazard their souls' health for ever, and as Delrio counselleth, "much better die, than be so cured." Some take upon them to expel devils by natural remedies, and magical exorcisms, which they seem to approve out of the practice of the primitive church, as that above cited of Josephus, Eleazer, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Austin, Eusebius makes mention of such, and magic itself hath been publicly professed in some universities, as of old in Salamanca in Spain, and Krakow in Poland: but condemned in 1318, by the chancellor and university of Paris. Our pontifical writers retain many of these adjurations and forms of exorcisms still in the church; besides those used in baptism, they exorcise meats, and such as are possessed, as they hold, in Christ's name. Read Hieron. Mengus, Petrus Tyrus. What exorcisms they prescribe, besides those ordinary means of "fire suffumigations, lights, cutting the air with swords," herbs, odors: of which Tostatus, you shall find many vain and frivolous superstitious forms of exorcisms among them, not to be tolerated, or endured.

Member two.
Lawful Cures, first from God.

Being so clearly evinced, as it is, all unlawful cures are to be refused, it remains to treat of such as are to be admitted, and those are commonly such which God hath appointed, by virtue of stones, herbs, plants, meats, and the like, which are prepared and applied to our use, by art and industry of physicians, who are the dispensers of such treasures for our good, and to be "honored for necessities' sake," God's intermediate ministers, to whom in our infirmities we are to seek for help. Yet not so that we rely too much, or wholly upon them: a Jove principle, we must first begin with prayer, and then use physic; not one without the other, but both together. To pray alone, and reject ordinary means, is to do like him in Aesop, that when his cart was stalled, lay flat on his back, and cried aloud help Hercules, but that was to little purpose, except as his friend advised him, having girded himself safely to the wheels, he whipped his horses withal, and put his shoulder to the wheel. God works by means, as Christ cured the blind man with clay and spittle: We must pray that there may be a sound mind in a sound body. As we must pray for health of body and mind, so we must use our utmost endeavors to preserve and continue it. Some kind of devils are not cast out but by fasting and prayer, and both are necessarily required, not one without the other. For all the physic we can use, art, excellent industry, is to no purpose without calling upon God, nothing helps to promise immense mountains to Crater: it is in vain to seek for help, run, ride, except God bless us.
Not the Sicilians.
They will develop a sweet taste.
Not the spirit of the song of the Cythera.
Not a house and a farm, not a heap of brass and gold.
The patient can bring fevers to the owner.
With house, with land, with money, and with gold,
The master's fever will not be controlled.

We must use our prayer and physic both together: and so no doubt but our prayers will be available, and our physic take effect. Tis that Hezekiah practiced, second Kings, twenty. Luke the Evangelist: and which we are enjoined, Colossians four not the patient only, but the physician himself. Hippocrates, a heathen, required this in a good practitioner, and so did Galen, and in that tract of his, whether the manners followed tis a rule which he doth inculcate, and many others. Hyperius in his first book speaking of that happiness and good success which all physicians desire and hope for in their cares, "tells them that it is not to be expected, except with a true faith they call upon God, and teach their patients to do the like.” The council of Lateran, Canon 22. decreed they should do so: the fathers of the church have still advised as much: whatever thou takest in hand, saith Gregory, “let God be of thy counsel, consult with him; that healeth those that are broken in heart, Psalm one hundred and forty seven, and bindeth up their sores." Otherwise as the prophet Jeremiah, chapter forty-six, denounced to Egypt, In vain thou shalt use many medicines, for thou shalt have no health. It is the same counsel which Comineus that political historiographer gives to all Christian princes, upon occasion of that unhappy overthrow of Charles Duke of Burgundy, by means of which he was extremely melancholy, and sick to death: insomuch that neither physic nor persuasion could do him any good, perceiving his preposterous error belike, adviseth all great men in such cases, "to pray first to God with all submission and penance, to confess their sins, and then to use physic." The very same fault it was, which the prophet reproaches in Asa king of Judah, that he relied more on physics than on God, and by all means would have him to amend it. And tis a fit caution to be observed of all other sorts of men. The prophet David was so observant of this precept, that in his greatest misery and vexation of mind, he put this rule first in practice. Psalm seventy seven, 3. "When I am in heaviness, I will think on God." Psalm eighty six, 4. "Comfort the soul of thy servant, for unto thee I lift up my soul:" and verse 7. "In the day of trouble I will call upon thee, for thou hearest me." Psalm fifty-four, 1. "Save me, O God, by thy name," and more. Psalm eighty two, Psalm twenty. And tis the common practice of all good men, Psalm one hundred and seven, 13. "when their heart was humbled with heaviness, they cried to the Lord in their troubles, and he delivered them from their distress." And they have found good success in so doing, as David confesseth, Psalm thirty, 12. "Thou hast turned my mourning into joy, thou hast loosened my sackcloth, and girded me with gladness." Therefore he adviseth all others to do the like, Psalm thirty one, 24. "All ye that trust in the Lord, be strong, and he shall establish your heart." It is reported by Suidas, speaking of Hezekiah, that there was a great book of old, of King Solomon's writing, which contained medicines for all manner of diseases, and lay open still as they came into the temple: but Hezekiah king of Jerusalem, caused it to be taken away, because it made the people secure, to neglect their duty in calling and relying upon God, out of a confidence in those remedies.
Minutius that worthy consul of Rome in an oration he made to his soldiers, was much offended with them, and taxed their ignorance, that in their misery called more upon him than upon God. A general fault it is all over the world, and Minutius's speech concerns us all, we rely more on physic, and seek more often to physicians, than to God himself. As much faulty are they that prescribe, as they that ask, respecting wholly their gain, and trusting more to their ordinary receipts and medicines many times, than to him that made them. I would wish all patients on this behalf, in the midst of their melancholy, to remember that of Siracides, Ecclesiastes one, 11 and 12. “The fear of the Lord is glory and gladness, and rejoicing. The fear of the Lord maketh a merry heart, and giveth gladness, and joy, and long life:" and all such as prescribe physic, to begin in the name of God, as Mesue did, to imitate Laelius from Fonte Eugubinus, that in all his consultations, he still concludes with a prayer for the good success of his business; and to remember that of Cretus, one of their predecessors, avoid covetousness, and do nothing without invocation upon God.

Member three.
Whether it be lawful to seek to Saints for Aid in this Disease.

That we must pray to God, no man doubts; but whether we should pray to saints in such cases, or whether they can do us any good, it may be lawfully disputed. Whether their images, shrines, relics, consecrated things, holy water, medals, blessings, those divine amulets, holy exorcisms, and the sign of the cross, be available in this disease? The papists on the one side stiffly maintain how many melancholy, mad, demoniacal persons are daily cured at Saint Anthony's Church in Padua, at Saint Vitus' in Germany, by our Lady of Loretto in Italy, our Lady of Sichem in the Low Countries: He gives light to the blind, health to the sick, life to the dead, walking to the lame, cures all diseases of body and mind, and in He exercises control over the demons themselves; she cures halt, lame, blind, all diseases of body and mind, and commands the devil himself, says Lipsius. "Twenty-five thousand in a day come thither," who but a god thus brought into that place; who brought them? In the ears, in the eyes of all, the deeds, the new news; new news lately done, our eyes and ears are full of her cares, and who can relate them all? They have a proper saint almost for every peculiar infirmity: for poison, gouts, agues, Petronella: Saint Romanus for such as are possessed; Valentine for the falling sickness; Saint Vitus for madmen, and more. and as of old Pliny reckons up Gods for all diseases, Febri fanum dicalum est, Lilius Giraldus repeats many of her ceremonies: all affections of the mind were heretofore accounted gods, love, and sorrow, virtue, honor, liberty, contumely, impudency, had their temples, tempests, seasons, Crepitus Belly, goddess Vacuna, goddess Cloacina, there was a goddess of idleness, a goddess of the draught, or jakes, Prema, Premunda, Priapus, bawdy gods, and gods for all offices. Varro reckons up 30,000 gods: Lucian makes Gout the gout a goddess, and assigns her priests and ministers: and melancholy comes not behind; for as Austin mentioneth, book four of the City of God, chapter 9. There was of old Angerona the goddess, and she had her chapel and feasts, to whom, saith Macrobius, they did offer sacrifice annually, that she might be pacified as well as the rest. Tis no new thing, you see this of papists; and in my judgment, that old doting Lipsius might have fitter dedicated his pen after all his labors, to this our goddess of melancholy, than to his Virgo Halensis, and been her chaplain, it would have become him better: but he, poor man, thought no harm in that which he did, and will not be persuaded but that he doth well, he hath so many patrons, and honorable precedents in the like kind, that justify as much, as eagerly, and more than he there saith of his lady and mistress: read but superstitious Coster and Gretser's Tract de Cruce, L Arcturus, Bellarmine, Delrio, Gregory Tolosanus. Syntax, Strozius Cicogna, Tyreus, Hieronymus Mengus, and you shall find infinite examples of cures done in this kind, by holy waters, relics, crosses, exorcisms, amulets, images, consecrated beads, and more. Barradius the Jesuit boldly gives it out, that Christ's countenance, and the Virgin Mary's, would cure melancholy, if one had looked steadfastly on them. Petrus Morales the Spaniard in his book confirms the same out of Carthusianus, and I know not whom, that it was a common proverb in those days, for such as were troubled in mind to say, let us see the son of Mary, as they now do post to Saint Anthony's in Padua, or to Saint Hilary's at Poitiers in France. In a closet of that church, there is at this day Saint Hilary's bed to be seen, "to which they bring all the madmen in the country, and after some prayers and other ceremonies, they lay them down there to sleep, and so they recover." It is an ordinary thing in those parts, to send all their madmen to Saint Hilary's cradle. They say the like of Saint Tubery in another place. Giraldus Cambrensis tells strange stories of Saint Ciricius' staff, that would cure this and all other diseases. Others say as much, as Hospinian observes, of the three kings of Cologne; their names written in parchment, and hung about a patient's neck, with the sign of the cross, will produce like effects. Read Lippomanus, or that golden legend of Jacobus de Voragine, you shall have infinite stories, or those new relations of our Jesuits in Japan and China, of Matthew Riccius, Acosta, Loyola, Xavier's life, an others. Jasper Belga, a Jesuit, cured a mad woman by hanging Saint John's gospel about her neck, and many such. Holy water did as much in Japan, and else. Nothing so familiar in their works, as such examples.

But we on the other side seek to God alone. We say with David, Psalm forty six-one. "God is our hope and strength, and help in trouble, ready to be found." For their catalog of examples, we make no other answer, but that they are false fictions, or diabolical illusions, counterfeit miracles. We cannot deny but that it is an ordinary thing on Saint Anthony's day in Padua, to bring diverse madmen and demoniacal persons to be cured: yet we make a doubt whether such parties be so affected indeed, but prepared by their priests, by certain ointments and drams, to cozen the commonalty, as Hildesheim well says; the like is commonly practiced in Bohemia as Mathiolus gives us to understand in his preface to his comment upon Dioscorides. But we need not run so far for examples in this kind, we have a just volume published at home for this purpose. "A declaration of egregious popish impostures, to withdraw the hearts of religious men under the pretense of casting out of devils, practiced by Father Edmunds, alias Weston, a Jesuit, and divers Romish priests, his wicked associates," with the several parties' names, confessions, examinations, and more, which were pretended to be possessed. But these are ordinary tricks only to get opinion and money, mere impostures. Aesculapius of old, that counterfeit God, did as many famous cures; his temple, as Strabo relates, was daily full of patients, and as many several tables, inscriptions, pendants, gifts, and more, to be seen in his church, as at this day our Lady of Loretto's in Italy. It was a custom long since.
“To offer the sailors garments to the deity of the deep.”
To do the like, in former times they were seduced and deluded as they are now. Tis the same devil still, called heretofore Apollo, Mars, Neptune, Venus, Aesculapius, and more, as Lactantius observes. The same Jupiter and those bad angels are now worshiped and adored by the name of Saint Sebastian, Barbara, and others. Christopher and George are come in their places. Our lady succeeds Venus, they use her in many offices, the rest are otherwise supplied, as Lavater writes, and so they are deluded. "And God often winks at these impostures, because they forsake his word, and betake themselves to the devil, as they do that seek after holy water, crosses," and more. Wierus, book 4 Chapter 3. What can these men plead for themselves more than those heathen gods, the same cures done by both, the same spirit that seduceth; but read more of the Pagan god's effects in Austin, the city of God, book ten, Chapter 6, and of Aesculapius especially in Cicogna book three, Chapter 8, or put case they could help, why should we rather seek to them, than to Christ himself, since that he so kindly invites us unto him, "Come unto me all ye that are heavy laden, and I will ease you," Matthew Eleven and we know that there is one God, "one Mediator between God and man, Jesus Christ," first Timothy two, 5, "who gave himself a ransom for all men." We know that "we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ" first John, two, 1 that there is no "other name under heaven, by which we can be saved, but by him," who is always ready to hear us, and sits at the right hand of God, and from whom we can have no repulsion, he alone wills, alone he can, he cares for the universe as individuals, and each one of us and alone, we are all as one to him, he cares for us all as one, and why should we then seek to any other but to him.

Member four.
Subsection one. Physician, Patient, Physic.

Of those diverse gifts which our apostle Paul says God hath bestowed on man, this of physic is not the least, but most necessary, and especially conducive to the good of mankind. Next therefore to God in all our extremities, "for of the most high cometh healing," Ecclesiastes Thirty eight, 2, we must seek to, and rely upon the Physician, who is Manus Dei, says Hierophilus, and to whom he hath given knowledge, that he might be glorified in his wondrous works. "With such doth he heal men, and take away their pains," Ecclesiastes thirty-eight, 6. 7. "When thou hast need of him, let him not go from thee." The hour may come that their enterprises may have good success,” verse 13. It is not therefore to be doubted, that if we seek a physician as we ought, we may be relieved of our infirmities, such a one I mean as is sufficient, and worthily so called; for there be many mountebanks, quacksalvers, empirics, in every street almost, and in every village, that take upon them this name, make this noble and profitable art to be evil spoken of and contemned, by reason of these base and illiterate artists: but such a physician I speak of, as is approved, learned, skilful, honest, and more, of whose duty Wecker, Crato, Julius Alexandrinus, Heurnius annd more, treat at large. For this particular disease, him that shall take upon him to cure it, Paracelsus will have to be a magician, a chemist, a philosopher, an astrologer; Thurnesserus, Severinus the Dane, and some others of his followers, require as much: "many of them cannot be cured but by magic." Paracelsus is so stiff for those chemical medicines, that in his cures he will admit almost of no other physic, deriding in the mean time Hippocrates, Galen, and all their followers: but magic, and all such remedies I have already censured, and shall speak of chemistry elsewhere. Astrology is required by many famous physicians, by Ficinus, Crato, Fernelius; doubted of, and exploded by others: I will not take upon me to decide the controversy myself, Johannes Hossurtus, Thomas Boderius, and Maginus in the preface to his mathematical physic, shall determine for me. Many physicians explode astrology in physic, saith he, there is no use of it; Galen, Avicen. And more, that count them butchers without it, murderous physicians ignorant of Astrology, and more. Paracelsus goes farther, and will have his physician predestined to this man's cure, this malady; and time of cure, the scheme of each generation inspected, gathering of herbs, of administering astrologically observed; in which Thurnesserus and some iatromathematical professors, are too superstitious in my judgment. "Hellebore will help, but not always, not given by every physician, etc." but these men are too peremptory and self-conceited as I think. But what do I do, interposing in that which is beyond my reach? A blind man cannot judge of colors, nor I peradventure of these things.

Only thus much I would require, honesty in every physician, that he be not over-careless or covetous, harpy-like to make a prey of his patient; For butchers, as Wecker notes, are among themselves tortured to expose a huge price, as a hungry surgeon often produces and wire-draws his cure, so long as there is any hope of pay, He does not cut the skin, unless it is full of bloody leech. Many of them, to get a fee, will give physic to every one that comes, when there is no cause, and they do so to irritate the silent disease, as Heurnius complains, stir up a silent disease, as it often falleth out, which by good counsel, good advice alone, might have been happily composed, or by rectification of those six non-natural things otherwise cured. This is to wage war on nature, to oppose nature, and to make a strong body weak. Arnaldus in these 8 and 11 Aphorisms gives cautions against, and expressly forbids it. "A wise physician will not give medicine, but upon necessity, and first try a medicinal diet, before he proceeds to medicinal cure." In another place he laughs those men to scorn, that think they can conquer demons and phantasms of the mind with long syrups, they can purge fantastical imaginations and the devil by physic. Another caution is, that they proceed upon good grounds, if so there be need of physic, and not mistake the disease; they are often deceived by the similitude of symptoms, says Heurnius, and I could give instance in many consultations, wherein they have prescribed the opposite physic. Sometimes they go too perfunctorily to work, in not prescribing a just course of physic: To stir up the humor, and not to purge it, doth often more harm than good. Montanus consiliorum 30, inveighs against such disturbances, "that purge to the halves, tire nature, and trouble the body to no purpose." Tis a crabbed humor to purge, and as Laurentius calls this disease, the reproach of physicians: Bessardus, the scourge of the physicians, their lash; and for that cause, more carefully to be respected. Though the patient be averse, saith Laurentius, desire help, and refuse it again, though he neglect his own health, it behoves a good physician not to leave him helpless. But most part they offend in that other extreme, they prescribe too much physic, and tire out their bodies with continual potions, to no purpose. Aetius, tetrabibi, will have them by all means therefore "to give some respite to nature," to leave off now and then; and Laelius a Fonte Eugubinus in his consultations, found it, as he there witnesseth, often verified by experience, "that after a deal of physic to no purpose, left to themselves, they have recovered." Tis that which Nic. Piso, Donatus Altomarus, still inculcate, to give nature rest.
Subsection two. Concerning the Patient.
When these precedent cautions are accurately kept, and that we have now got a skilful, an honest physician to our mind, if his patient will not be conformable, and content to be ruled by him, all his endeavors will come to no good end. Many things are necessarily to be observed and continued on the patient's behalf: First that he be not too niggardly miserable of his purse, or think it too much he bestows upon himself, and to save charges endangering his health. The Abderites, when they sent for Hippocrates, promised him what reward he would, "all the gold they had, if all the city were gold he should have it." Naaman the Syrian, when he went into Israel to Elisha to be cured of his leprosy, took with him ten talents of silver, six thousand pieces of gold, and ten changes of raiment, Second Kings verse 5. Another thing is, that out of bashfulness he do not conceal his grief; if aught trouble his mind, let him freely disclose it, the careless shame of fools hides bad sores: by that means he procures to himself much mischief, and runs into a greater inconvenience: he must be willing to be cured, and earnestly desire it. Part of health was wanting to heal, Seneca. Tis a part of his care to wish his own health, and not to defer it too long.
He that by cherishing a mischief doth provoke,
Too late at last refuseth to cast off his yoke,
When the skin swells, to seek it to appease,
With hellebore, is vain; meet your disease.
By this means many times, or through their ignorance in not taking notice of their grievance and danger of it, contempt, supine negligence, exhaustion, wretchedness and peevishness; they themselves. The citizens, I know not of what city now, when rumor was brought that their enemies were coming, could not refrain from hearing it; and when the plague begins in many places and they certainly know it, they command silence and hush it up; but after they see their enemies now marching to their gates, and ready to surprise them, they begin to fortify and resist when it is too late; when, the sickness breaks out and can be no longer concealed, then they lament their supine negligence: tis no otherwise with these men. And often out of prejudice, a loathing, and distaste of physic, they had rather die, or do worse, than take any of it. "Barbarous immanence" Melancthon terms it, "and folly to be deplored, so to contemn the precepts of health, good remedies, and voluntarily to pull death, and many maladies upon their own heads." Though many again are in that other extreme too profuse, suspicious, and jealous of their health, too apt to take physic on every small occasion, to aggravate every slender passion, imperfection, impediment: if their finger do but ache, run, ride, send for a physician, as many gentlewomen do, that are sick, without a cause, even when they will themselves, upon every toy or small discontent, and when he comes, they make it worse than it is, by amplifying that which is not. Hieronymus Capivaccius sets it down as a common fault of all "melancholy persons to say their symptoms are greater than they are, to help themselves." And which Mercurialis notes, consiliorum 53. "to be more troublesome to their physicians, than other ordinary patients, that they may have a change of physic."

A third thing to be required in a patient, is confidence, to be of good cheer, and have sure hope that his physician can help him. Damascus the Arabian requires likewise in the physician himself, that he be confident he can cure him, otherwise his physician will not be effectual, and promise withal that he will certainly help him, make him believe so at least. Galeotus gives this reason, because the form of health is contained in the physician's mind, and as Galen, holds "confidence and hope to be more good than physic," he cares most in whom most are confident. Axiocus was sick almost to death, and at the very sight of Socrates he recovered his former health. Paracelsus assigns it for an only cause, why Hippocrates was so fortunate in his cares, not for any extraordinary skill he had; but "because the common people had a most strong conception of his worth." To this of confidence we may add perseverance, obedience, and constancy, not to change his physician, or dislike him upon every toy; for he that so doth, saith Janus Damascen, “or consults with many, falls into many errors; or that useth many medicines." It was a chief caveat of Seneca to his friend Lucilius, that he should not alter his physician, or prescribed physic: “Nothing hinders health more; a wound can never be cured, that hath several plasters." Crato, consiliorum 186, taxeth all melancholy persons of this fault: "Tis proper to them, if things fall not out to their mind, and that they have not present ease, to seek another and another;" as they do commonly that have sore eyes, “twenty one after another, and they still promise all to cure them, try a thousand remedies; and by this means they increase their malady, make it most dangerous and difficult to be cured." "They try many", saith Montanus, "and profit by none:" and for this cause, consiliorum 24, he enjoins his patient before he takes him in hand, "perseverance and suffering, for in such a small time no great matter can be effected, and upon that condition he will administer physic, otherwise all his endeavor and counsel would be to small purpose." And in his thirty first consel for a notable matron, he tells her, “if she will be cured, she must be of a most abiding patience, faithful obedience, and singular perseverance; if she remits, or despairs, she can expect or hope for no good success.” Consiliorum 230, for an Italian Abbot, he makes it one of the greatest reasons why this disease is so incurable, "because the parties are so restless, and impatient, and will therefore have him that intends to be eased," "to take physic, not for a month, a year, but to apply himself to their prescriptions all the days of his life." Last of all, it is required that the patient be not too bold to practice upon himself, without an approved physician's consent, or to try conclusions, if he reads a receipt in a book; for so, many grossly mistake, and do themselves more harm than good. That which is conducive to one man, in one case, at the same time is opposite to another. An ass and a mule went laden over a brook, the one with salt, the other with wool: the mule's pack was wet by chance, the salt melted, his burden the lighter, and he thereby much eased: he told the ass, who, thinking to speed as well, wet his pack likewise at the next water, but it was much the heavier, he was quite tired. So one thing may be good and bad to several parties, upon different occasions.
"Many things", saith Penottus, "are written in our books, which seem to the reader to be excellent remedies, but they that make use of them are often deceived, and take for physical poison." I remember in Valleriola's observations, a story of one John Baptist a Neapolitan, that finding by chance a pamphlet in Italian, written in praise of hellebore, would need adventure on himself, and took one dram for one scruple, and had not he been sent for, the poor fellow had poisoned himself. From whence he concludes out of Damascenus 2 and 3 Aphorisms, "that without exquisite knowledge, to work out of books is most dangerous: how unsavory a thing it is to believe writers, and take upon trust, as this patient perceived by his own peril." I could recite such another example of my own knowledge, of a friend of mine, that finding a receipt in Brassivola, would need to take hellebore in substance, and try it on his own person; but had not some of his relatives come to visit him by chance, he had by his indiscretion hazarded himself: many such I have observed. These are those ordinary precautions, which I should think fit to be noted, and he that shall keep them, as Montanus says, shall surely be much eased, if not thoroughly cured.

Subsection three. Concerning Physic.

Physic itself in the last place is to be considered; "for the Lord hath created medicines of the earth, and he that is wise will not abhor them." Ecclesiastes thirty-eight, 4, Verse 8. "Of such doth the apothecary make a confection," and more. Of these medicines there be diverse and infinite kinds, plants, metals, animals, and more, and those of several natures, some good for one, hurtful to another: some noxious in themselves, corrected by art, very wholesome and good, simple, mixed, and more, and therefore left to be managed by discreet and skilful physicians, and then applied to man's use. To this purpose they have invented methods, and several rules of art, to put these remedies in order, for their particular ends. Physic, as Hippocrates defines it, is naught else but "addition and subtraction;" and as it is required in all other diseases, so in this of melancholy it ought to be most accurate, it being, as Mercurialis acknowledgeth, so common an affection in these our times, and therefore fit to be understood. Several prescripts and methods I find in several men, some take upon them to cure all maladies with one medicine, severally applied, as that panacea, potable gold, so much controversial in these days, herb of the sun, and more. Paracelsus reduces all diseases to four principal heads, to whom Severinus, Ravelascus, Leo Suavius, and others adhere and imitate: those are leprosy, gout, dropsy, falling-sickness. To which they reduce the rest; as to leprosy, ulcers, itches, furrows, scabs, and more. To gout, stone, colic, toothache, headache, and more. To dropsy, age, jaundice, cachexia, and else. To the falling-sickness, belong palsy, vertigo, cramps, convulsions, nightmare, apoplexy, and more. "If any of these four principal be cured", saith Ravelascus, "all the inferior are cured," and the same remedies commonly serve: but this is too general, and by some contradicted: for this peculiar disease of melancholy, of which I am now to speak, I find several cures, several methods and prescriptions. Those that intend the practical cure of melancholy, says Duretus in his notes to Hollerius, set down nine peculiar scopes or ends; Savanarola prescribes seven special canons. Aelianus Montaltus, Faventinus in his empirics, Hercules of Saxony, and others, have their several injunctions and rules, all tending to one end. The ordinary is threefold, which I mean to follow. Dietary, Pharmaceutica, and Chirurgica, diet, or living, apothecary, surgery, which Wecker, Crato, Guianerius, and more, and most, prescribe; of which I will insist, and speak in their order.

Section two. Member one.
Subsection one. Diet rectified in substance.

Diet, Diatitiki, victus, or living, according to Fuchsius and others, includes those six non-natural things, which I have before specified, are special causes, and being rectified, a sole or chief part of the cure. Johannes Arculanus, chapter 16 in 9 Rhasis, accounts the rectifying of these six with sufficient care. Guianerius, Tract 15, chapter 9, calls them, propria et primam curam, the principal cure: so doth Montanus, Crato, Mercurialis, Altomarus, and more, first to be tried, Lemnius, names them the hinges of our health, no hope of recovery without them. Reinerus Solenander, in his seventh consultation for a Spanish young gentlewoman, that was so melancholy she abhorred all company, and would not sit at table with her familiar friends, prescribes this physic above the rest, no good to be done without it. Aretus, book one chapter 7, an old physician, is of opinion, that this is enough of itself, if the party be not too far gone in sickness. Crato, in a consultation of his for a noble patient, tells him plainly, that if his highness will keep but a good diet, he will warrant him his former health. Montanus, consiliorum 27, for a nobleman of France, admonisheth his lordship to be most circumspect in his diet, or else all his other physic will be to small purpose. The same injunction I find verbatim in J Caesar Claudinus. Scoltzii, consiliorum 183. Trallianus, Laelius a Fonte Aeugubinus often brags, that he hath done more cures in this kind by rectification of diet, than all other physic besides. So that in a word I may say to most melancholy men, as the fox said to the weasel, that could not get out of the garner, and they must take care of it. Which howsoever I treat of, as proper to the meridian of melancholy, yet nevertheless, that which is here said with him in Tully, though writ especially for the good of his friends at Tarentum and Sicily, yet it will generally serve most other diseases, and help them likewise, if it be observed.

Of these six non-natural things, the first is diet, properly so called, which consists in meat and drink, in which we must consider substance, quantity, quality, and that opposite to the preceding. In substance, such meats are generally commended, which are "moist, easy of digestion, and not apt to engender wind, not fried, nor roasted, but sod”, saith Valescus, Altomarus, Piso, and more "hot and moist, and of good nourishment; Crato consiliorum 21, book 2, admits roast meat, if the burnt and scorched surfaces, the brown we call it, be pared off. Salvianus, cries out on cold and dry meats; young flesh and tender is approved, as of kid, rabbits, chickens, veal, mutton, capons, hens, partridge, pheasant, quails, and all mountain birds, which are so familiar in some parts of Africa, and in Italy, and as Dublin reports, the common food of boors and clowns in Palestine. Galen takes exception at mutton, but without question he means that rammy mutton, which is in Turkey and Asia Minor, which have those great fleshy tails, of forty-eight pounds weight, as Vertomannus witnesseth. The lean of fat meat is best, and all manner of broths, and pottage, with borage, lettuce, and such wholesome herbs are excellent good, especially of a cock boiled; all spoon meat Arabians commend brains, but Laurentius, excepts against them, and so do many others; eggs are justified as a nutritious wholesome meat, butter and oil may pass, but with some limitation; so Crato confines it, and "to some men sparingly at set times, or in sauce," and so sugar and honey are approved. All sharp and sour sauces must be avoided, and spices, or at least rarely used: and so saffron sometimes in broth may be tolerated; but these things may be more freely used, as the temperature of the party is hot or cold, or as he shall find inconvenience by them. The thinnest, whitest, smallest wine is best, not thick, nor strong; and so of beer, the middle is fittest. Bread of good wheat, pure, well purged from the bran is preferred; Laurentius, would have it kneaded with rain water, if it might be gotten.

Water.
Pure, thin, light water by all means use, of good smell and taste, like to the air in sight, such as is soon hot, soon cold, and which Hippocrates so much approves, if at least it may be had. Rain water is purest, so that it fall not down in great drops, and be used forthwith, for it quickly putrefies. Next to it fountain water that riseth in the east, and runneth eastward, from a quick running spring, from flinty, chalky, gravelly grounds: and the longer a river runneth, it is commonly the purest, though many springs do yield the best water at their fountains. The waters in hotter countries, as in Turkey, Persia, India, within the tropics, are frequently purer than ours in the north, more subtile, thin, and lighter, as our merchants observe, by four ounces in a pound, pleasanter to drink, as good as our beer, and some of them, as Choaspis in Persia, preferred by the Persian kings, before wine itself.
“Whoever has allayed his thirst with the water of the Clitorius, avoids wine, and amstemons delights in pure water only.”

Many rivers I deny are not still muddy, white, thick, like those in China, Nile in Egypt, Tiber at Rome, but after they have been settled two or three days, defecate and clear, very commodious, useful and good. Many make use of deep wells, as of old in the Holy Land, lakes, cisterns, when they cannot be better provided; to fetch it in carts or gondolas, as in Venice, or camels' backs, as at Cairo in Egypt, Radzivilius observed 8000 camels daily there, employed about that business; some keep it in trunks, as in the East Indies, made four square with descending steps, and tis not lost, for I would not have any one so nice as that Grecian Calis, sister to Nicephorus, emperor of Constantinople, and married to Dominitus Silvius, duke of Venice, that out of incredible wantonness, would not use common water, would use no vulgar water; but she died, saith my author, of so foul a pure quantity, of so fulsome a disease, that no water could wash her clean. Plato would not have a traveler's lodge in a city that is not governed by laws, or hath not a quick stream running by it; for that corrupts the mind, this corrupts the health, the one corrupts the body, the other the mind. But this is more than needs, too much curiosity is naught, in time of necessity any water is allowed. However, pure water is best, and which, as Pindarus holds, is better than gold; an especial ornament it is, and "very commodious to a city", according to Vegetius, "when fresh springs are included within the walls," as at Corinth, in the midst of the town almost, there was a very high fountain fountains, a goodly mount full of fresh water springs: "if nature afford them not they must be had by art." It is a wonder to read of those stupend aqueducts, and infinite cost hath been bestowed in Rome of old, Constantinople, Carthage, Alexandria, and such populous cities, to convey good and wholesome waters: read Frontinus, Lipsius, Pliny, Strabo in his Geography. That aqueduct of Claudius was most eminent, fetched upon arches fifteen miles, each arch 109 feet high: they had fourteen such other aqueducts, besides lakes and cisterns, 700 as I take it; every house had private pipes and channels to serve them for their use. Peter Gillius, in his accurate description of Constantinople, speaks of an old cistern which he went down to see, 336 feet long, 180 feet broad, built of marble, covered over with arch-work, and sustained by 336 pillars, 12 feet asunder, and in eleven rows, to contain sweet water. Infinite cost in channels and cisterns, from the Nile to Alexandria, hath been formerly bestowed, to the admiration of these times; their cisterns are so curiously cemented and composed, that a beholder would take them to be all of one stone: when the foundation is laid, and the cistern made, their house is half built.

That Segovian aqueduct in Spain, is much wondered at in these days, upon three rows of pillars, one above another, conveying sweet water to every house: but every city almost is full of such aqueducts. Amongst the rest he is eternally to be commended, that brought that new stream to the north side of London at his own charge: and Mister Otho Nicholson, founder of our waterworks and elegant conduit in Oxford. So much have all times attributed to this element, to be conveniently provided of it: although Galen hath taken exceptions at such waters, which run through leaden pipes, because of the ceruse that is generated in them, for that unctuous ceruse, which causes dysenteries and fluxes; yet as Alsarius Crucius of Genna well answers, it is opposite to common experience. If that were true, most of our Italian cities, Montpelier in France, with infinite others, would find this inconvenience, but there is no such matter. For private families, in what sort they should furnish themselves, let them consult with Petrus Crescentius, Pamphilius Hirelacus, and the rest.

Amongst fishes, those are most allowed of, that live in gravelly or sandy waters, pikes, perch, trout, gudgeon, smelts, flounders, and more. Hippolytus Salvianus takes exception to the carp; but I dare boldly say with Dubravius, it is an excellent meat, if it comes not from muddy pools, that it retains not an unsavory taste. Erinacius Marinus is much commended by Oribatius, Aetius, and most of our late writers.
Crato, consiliorum 21, book 2, censures all manner of fruits, as subject to putrefaction, yet tolerable at times, after meals, at second course, they keep down vapours, and have their use. Sweet fruits are best, as sweet cherries, plums, sweet apples, pearmains, and pippins, which Laurence extols, as having a peculiar property against this disease, and Plater magnifies, in every way appropriated to meet, but they must be corrected for their windiness: ripe grapes are good, and raisins of the sun, musk-melons well corrected, and sparingly used. Figs are allowed, and almonds blanched. Trallianus discommends figs, Salvianus olives and capers, which others especially like of, and so of pistick nuts. Montanus and Mercurialis out of Avenzoar, admit peaches, pears, and apples baked after meals, only corrected with sugar, and aniseed, or fennel-seed, and so they may be profitably taken, because they strengthen the stomach, and keep down vapours. The like may be said of preserved cherries, plums, marmalade of plums, quinces, and more, but not to drink after them. Pomegranates, lemons, oranges are tolerated, if they are not too sharp.
Crato will admit of no herbs, but borage, bugloss, endive, fennel, aniseed, baum; Callenius and Arnoldus tolerate lettuce, spinach, beets, and more. The same Crato will allow no roots at all to be eaten. Some approve of potatoes, parsnips, but all corrected for wind. No raw salads; but as Laurentius prescribes, in broths; and so Crato commends many of them: or to use borage, hops, baum, steeped in their ordinary drink. Avenzoar magnifies the juice of a pomegranate, if it be sweet, and especially rose water, which he would have to be used in every dish, which they put in practice in those hot countries, about Damascus, where, if we may believe the relations of Vertomannus, many hogsheads of rose water are to be sold in the market at once, it is in so great request with them.

Subsection two. Diet rectified in quantity.

Man alone, says Cardan, eats and drinks without appetite, and uses all his pleasure without necessity, a vice of the soul, and thence come many inconveniences unto him. For there is no meat whatsoever, though otherwise wholesome and good, but if unseasonably taken, or immoderately used, more than the stomach can well bear, it will engender crudity, and do much harm. Therefore Crato advises his patient to eat but twice a day, and that at his set meals, by no means to eat without an appetite, or upon a full stomach, and to put seven hours' difference between dinner and supper. Which rule if we did observe in our colleges, it would be much better for our health: but custom, that tyrant, so prevails, that contrary to all good order and rules of physics, we scarcely admit of five. If after seven hours' tarrying he shall have no stomach, let him defer his meal, or eat very little at his ordinary time of repast. This very counsel was given by Prosper Calenus to Cardinal Caesius, laboring of this disease; and Platerus prescribes it to a patient of his, to be most severely kept. Guianerius admits of three meals a day, but Montanus, consiliorum 23, Ab Italo, ties him precisely to two. And as he must not eat too much, so he may not absolutely fast; for as Celsus contends, and Jacchinus, repletion and starvation may both do harm in two contrary extremes. Moreover, that which he doth eat, must be well chewed, and not hastily gobbled, for that causes crudity and wind; and by all means to eat no more than he can well digest. "Some think", saith Trincavelius, "the more they eat the more they nourish themselves:" eat and live, as the proverb is, "not knowing that only repairs man, which is well concocted, not that which is devoured." Melancholy men most part have good appetites, but ill digestion, and for that cause they must be sure to rise with an appetite; and that which Socrates and Disarius the physicians in Macrobius so much require, Saint Hierom enjoins the peasant to eat and drink no more than, will satisfy hunger and thirst. Lessius, the Jesuit, holds twelve, thirteen, or fourteen ounces, or in our northern countries, sixteen at most, for all students, weaklings, and such as lead an idle sedentary life, of meat, bread, and else, a fit proportion for a whole day, and as much or little more of drink. Nothing plagues the body and mind sooner than to be still fed, to eat and gorge beyond all measure, as many do. “By overmuch eating and continual feasts they stifle nature, and choke up themselves; which, had they lived coarsely, or like galley slaves had been tied to an oar, might have happily prolonged many fair years.”

A great inconvenience comes by variety of dishes, which causeth the preceding distemperature, "than which", saith Avicenna, "nothing is worse; to feed on diversity of meats, or too much," Sertorius-like, to dine in light, and as commonly they do in Muscovy and Iceland, to prolong their meals all day long, or all night. Our northern countries offend especially in this, and we in this island, largely living on food and mud, as Polydore notes, are most liberal feeders, but to our own hurt. "Excess of meat breeds sickness, and gluttony causes choleric diseases: by surfeiting many perish, but he that dieteth himself prolongeth his life," Ecclesiates thirty-seven, 29, 30. We count it a great glory for a man to have his table daily furnished with variety of meats: but hear the physician, he pulls thee by the ear as thou sittest, and telleth thee, "that nothing can be more noxious to thy health than such variety and plenty." Temperance is a bridle of gold, and he that can use it aright. Will it make a man a God. To preserve thine honor, health, and to avoid therefore all those inflations, torments, obstructions, crudities, and diseases that come by a full diet, the best way is to feed sparingly of one or two dishes at most, to have the stomach is well settled, as Seneca calls it, "to choose one of many, and to feed on that alone," as Crato advises his patient. The same counsel Prosper Calenus gives to Cardinal Caesius, to use a moderate and simple diet: and though his table be jovially furnished by reason of his state and guests, yet for his own part to single out some one savory dish and feed on it. The same is inculcated by Crato, consiliorum 9, book two, to a noble personage affected with this grievance, he would have his highness to dine or sup alone, without all his honorable attendance and courtly company, with a private friend or so, a dish or two, a cup of Rhenish wine, and more. Montanus, consiliorum 24 for a noble matron enjoins her one dish, and by no means to drink between meals. The like, consiliorum 229, or not to eat till he be an hungry, which rule Berengarius did most strictly observe, as Hilbertus,writes in his life,
To whom it has never been,
Drink before thirst, nor food before hunger.
And which all temperate men do constantly keep. It is a frequent solemnity still used with us, when friends meet, to go to the alehouse or tavern, they are not sociable otherwise: and if they visit one another's houses, they must both eat and drink. I criticize it not moderately used; but to some men nothing can be more offensive; they had better, I speak it with Saint Ambrose, pour so much water in their shoes.
It much avails likewise to keep good order in our diet, “to eat liquid things first, broths, fish, and such meats as are sooner corrupted in the stomach; harder meats of digestion must come last." Crato would have the supper less than the dinner, which Cardan, disallows, and that by the authority of Galen, and for four reasons he will have the biggest supper: I have read many treatises to this purpose, I know not how it may concern some few sick men, but for my part generally for all, I should subscribe to that custom of the Romans, to make a sparing dinner, and a liberal supper; all their preparation and invitation was still at supper, no mention of dinner. Many reasons I could give, but when all is said pro and con, Cardan's rule is best, to keep that which we are accustomed to, though it be naught, and to follow our disposition and appetite in some things is not lost; to eat sometimes of a dish which is hurtful, if we have an extraordinary liking to it. Alexander Severus loved hares and apples above all other meats, as Lampridius relates in his life: one pope pork, another peacock, and more; what harm came of it? I conclude that our own experience is the best physician; that diet which is most propitious to one, is often pernicious to another, such is the variety of palates, humors, and temperatures, let every man observe, and be a law unto himself. Tiberius, in Tacitus, did laugh at all such, that thirty years of age would ask counsel of others concerning matters of diet; I say the same.

These few rules of diet he that keeps, shall surely find great ease and speedy remedy by it. It is a wonder to relate that prodigious temperance of some hermits, anchorites, and fathers of the church: he that shall but read their lives, written by Jerome, Athanasius, and others, how abstemious heathens have been in this kind, those Curii and Fabritii, those old philosophers, as Pliny records, Xenophon. Emperors and kings, as Nicephorus relates, and Mauritius, Ludovicus Pius, and more, and that admirable example of Ludovicus Cornarus, a patrician of Venice, cannot but admire them. This they have done voluntarily and in health; what shall these private men do that are visited with sickness, and necessarily enjoined to recover, and continue their health? It is a hard thing to observe a strict diet, and he who lives with medicine lives miserably, as the saying is, what kind of life would this very thing be if you were deprived of these? as good be buried, as so much debarred of his appetite; evil medicine has passed, the physic is more troublesome than the disease, so he complained in the poet, so thou thinkest: yet he that loves himself will easily endure this little misery, to avoid a greater inconvenience; it is better to do this than to do worse. And as Tully holds, "better be a temperate old man than a lascivious youth." Tis the only sweet thing, which he adviseth, so to moderate ourselves, that we may have old age in youth, and old age in youth, be youthful in our old age, staid in our youth, discreet and temperate in both.

Member two.
Retention and Evacuation rectified.

I have declared in the causes what harm costiveness hath done in procuring this disease; if it be so noxious, the opposite must needs be good, or mean at least, as indeed it is, and to this cure necessarily required; it is most profitable, says Montaltus, it avails very much. Altomarus, "commends walking in a morning, into some fair green pleasant fields, but by all means first, by art or nature, he will have these ordinary excrements evacuated." Piso calls it, Beneficium ventris, the benefit, help or pleasure of the belly, for it doth much ease it. Laurentius, Cratus, consiliorum 21, book two, you prescribe it once a day at least: where nature is defective, art must supply, by those lenitive electuaries, suppositories, seasoned prunes, turpentine, clysters, as shall be shown. Prosper Calenus, in his book, of black bile, he recommends clysters in hypochondriacal melancholy, still to be used as occasion serves; Peter Cnemander in a consultation of his for a hypochondriac, will have his patient continually loose, and to that end sets down there many forms of potions and clysters. Mercurial, consiliorum 88, if this benefit come not of its own accord, you prescribe clysters in the first place: so doth Montanus, consiliorum 24 31 and 229, he commends turpentine to that purpose: the same he ingeminates, consiliorum 230, for an Italian abbot. Tis very good to wash his hands and face often, to shift his clothes, to have fair linen about him, to be decently and comely attired, for dirt vitiant, nastiness defiles and dejects any man that is so voluntarily, or compelled by want, it dulleth the spirits.
Baths are either artificial or natural, both have their special uses in this malady, and as Alexander supposed, yield as speedy a remedy as any other physic whatsoever. Aetius would have them daily used, constant bathing, Galen cracks how many several cures he has performed in this kind by the use of baths alone, and Rufus pills, moistening them which are otherwise dry. Rhasis makes it a principal care, the whole care being in moistening, to bathe and afterwards anoint with oil. Jason Pratensis, Laurentius, and Montanus set down their peculiar forms of artificial baths. Crato consiliorum 17, book two, fair water alone, and in his following counsel, we have found that the bath of fresh water alone is most often beneficial. So doth Fuchsius, Frisimelica, in Trincavelius. Some besides herbs prescribe a ram's head and other things to be boiled. Fernelius, consiliorum 44, will have them used ten or twelve days together; to which he must enter fasting, and so continue in a moderate heat, and after that frictions all over the body. Lelius Aegubinus, consiliorum 142, and Christopher Aererus, in a consultation of his, hold once or twice a week sufficient to bathe, the "water to be warm, not hot, for fear of sweating." FelixPlater, for a melancholy lawyer, "will have lotions of the head still joined to these baths, with a ley wherein capital herbs have been boiled." Laurentius speaks of baths of milk, which I find approved by many others. And still after bath, the body to be anointed with oil of bitter almonds, of violets, new or fresh butter, capon's grease, especially the backbone, and then lotions of the head, embrocations, and more. These kinds of baths have been in former times much frequented, and variously varied, and are still in general use in those eastern countries. The Romans had their public baths very sumptuous and stupendous, as those of Antoninus and Diocletian. Pliny says there were an infinite number of them in Rome, and mightily frequented; some bathed seven times a day, as Commodus the emperor is reported to have done; usually twice a day, and they were after anointed with most costly ointments: rich women bathed themselves in milk, some in the milk of five hundred she-asses at once: we have many ruins of such, baths found in this island, among those walls and rubbish of old Roman towns. Lipsius, Rosinus, Scot of Antwerp, and other antiquaries, tell strange stories of their baths. Gillius, reckons up 155 public baths in Constantinople, of fair building; they are still frequented in that city by the Turks of all sorts, men and women, and all over Greece, and those hot countries; to wipe away like that fulsomeness of sweat, to which they are there subject. Busbecius, in his epistles, is very copious in describing the manner of them, how their women go covered, a maid following with a box of ointment to rub them. The richer sort have private baths in their houses; the poorer go to the common, and are generally so curious in this behalf, that they will not eat nor drink until they have bathed, before and after meals some, "and will not make water, but they will wash their hands, or go to stool." Leo Afer makes mention of one hundred several baths at Fez in Africa, most sumptuous, and such as have great revenues belonging to them. Buxtorfius chapter 14,